There are no readings for this module. It consists entirely of the final exam, which you are to submit through the Turnitin.com link. Your final must be turned in by or before 6 PM on Saturday (the usual time when discussions must be turned in.)
There are no readings for this module. It consists entirely of the final exam, which you are to submit through the Turnitin.com link. Your final must be turned in by or before 6 PM on Saturday (the usual time when discussions must be turned in.)
FINAL EXAM
Please answer each of the following three questions. If you use normal size font and page margins, each answer should be between 2-5 pages long. Don?t turn your answers in as three separate submissions ? write your answers to all three questions on one document, and submit that one document as your final.
1) If we look at the broad sweep of American labor law in history, it seems to fit into three periods. First, prior to the 1930s (i.e., prior to Norris-LaGuardia anti-injunction Act and the National Labor Relations Act or NLRA) was a period of hostility toward unions and worker organizations. Second, the period from 1935 to 1947 (NLRA prior to Taft-Hartley) was a period of encouragement of unions or worker organizations. Finally, the period from 1947 to the present (Taft-Hartley, and to some degree Landrum-Griffin) is a period that turns back toward the earliest period, with public policy (both new laws and reinterpretations of existing law) turning ever more toward curbing and weakening organized labor.
Which if any of these periods ?got it right?? Whatever answer you give, be sure to give explanations and arguments for your position, and show what is wrong with the other two periods.
2) The conduct of NLRB elections to determine whether a majority of employees prefer a union is crucial to the outcome. Some would argue that the employer should stay entirely out of the matter, or else the decision is likely to be at least somewhat (and perhaps greatly) coerced, due to the inherent nature of employer power over employees. At least since the passage of Taft-Hartley (1947) and actually before that, the courts have held the opposite view: under the ?employer free speech? view, employers are allowed to do a number of things to discourage employees from voting to create a union.
(a) Explain what types of employer conduct are allowable, and give examples
(b) Explain what types of employer conduct are not allowed, and give examples.
(c) Then argue one of 3 positions: (i) employers are given too much freedom to campaign against the union, leading to a coercive atmosphere; (ii) employers are given about the right amount of freedom; or (iii) employers are not given enough freedom. (Whatever position you choose, justify it with an argument, using illustrations as appropriate.)
3) The following is a situation similar to what often occurs in real life. Read it over carefully, and determine what legal issues arise out of it.
SITUATION:
John, Maria, Arcine, Yves, Juan, and Dominique all work at a nursing home in south Florida. They have decided to try to unionize the place with a local union. As soon as the company owning the nursing home hears of the union organizing drive, it hires a professional union-avoidance firm and begins a campaign to oppose the union.
Maria and Arcine, outspoken union supporters, are evaluated as ?unsatisfactory? in their work performance 2 weeks after the drive becomes known. Their previous evaluations have always been satisfactory or better. (Maria has worked there 2 years; Arcine for 8 months.) Because of their poor evaluations, both are reassigned to work which is isolated from the rest of the workforce; it consists primarily of cleaning toilets and washing floors.
John, another strong union supporter, and one of the few men working at the place (12 out of 125) is followed constantly by his supervisor, who criticizes his performance. The supervisor never mentions the union. Feeling a rising tension, on the eighth day of constant criticism, John tells his supervisor, ?I can?t take this anymore.? The supervisor suggests that he go home for the day. He does so, and the next day the company fires him for leaving work.
The company holds numerous ?captive audience? meetings, where the employees are treated to a barrage of anti-union speeches. They are told that unions are immoral, destroying the economy, a danger to job security because they drive companies out of business, and prone to strikes and violence. The patients are told that? the workers are ?disloyal? and are preparing to abandon them in a strike, which may turn violent. For this reason, many of the frightened older patients are pleading with the workers not to unionize, and if a worker tries to explain why they want a union (including better patient care and more staffing), they are threatened with dismissal for talking union matters on the job. One worker has been fired for this, and three others have been suspended for one week for the same reason.
Arcine, during a captive audience meeting 20 hours before the union election, tries to respond to the charge that unions are only trying to take the member?s money through dues, and is told to shut up. She objects that this is unfair; people should hear both sides of the story. She is promptly fired on the spot and escorted out of the room by a uniformed security guard in front of the other workers.
Anonymous leaflets appear in the employees? locker room asserting that the union preys upon immigrants and really only cares about native white workers. It claims that the union was sued by minority workers in another (unspecified) location at some (unspecified) point in the past, and was ultimately decertified by the unhappy employees it was supposed to represent. The leaflet ends: VOTE NO! PROTECT YOURSELF FROM THESE WHITE NORTHERN LEECHES! FOR THE SAKE OF YOUR FAMILY, VOTE NO! (Two of the three union organizers in this organizing drive are whites from the union?s national headquarters in the north; the third is a Haitian American living in the Miami area.)
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